2023考研英語閱讀中國(guó)的富強(qiáng)之路

　　Chinas return to greatness

　　中國(guó)回歸強(qiáng)大

　　Marching forward

　　艱難前行

　　The great power is still licking old wounds

　　這個(gè)強(qiáng)國(guó)仍在舔舐舊傷口

　　Wealth and Power: Chinas Long March to theTwenty-First Century. By Orville Schell and John Delury. Random House; 478 pages

　　《富強(qiáng)：中國(guó)21世紀(jì)的長(zhǎng)征》

　　MODERN Chinas founding trauma came in 1842, when British troops pushed opium downthe throats of a prostrate nation at the Treaty of Nanjing. Today this brutal military anddiplomatic defeat is hailed in China for the way its darkness forced a new dawn.

　　現(xiàn)代中國(guó)的災(zāi)難始于1842年，英國(guó)軍隊(duì)在南京條約下強(qiáng)制向中國(guó)輸送鴉片。今天殘暴的軍隊(duì)和失敗的外交在中國(guó)都不復(fù)存在了，黑暗之后迎來了黎明。

　　Indeed, China celebrates defeat like other countries mark victoriesand the humiliations ofsubsequent decades afford plenty of opportunities, with the once great empire carved up atthe hands first of Europeans and then the Japanese. This grim past is central to the narrativeof the ruling Communist Party. Without Chinas legacy of humiliation, the partys role inrestoring fuqiangwealth and powerwould look less impressive.

　　確實(shí)， 中國(guó)像其他國(guó)家一樣慶祝勝利，這個(gè)曾經(jīng)的強(qiáng)大帝國(guó)先后被歐洲列強(qiáng)和日本瓜分，給后代留下了深深的恥辱。這些殘忍的過去經(jīng)常被共產(chǎn)黨說起。沒有中華民族所經(jīng)歷的恥辱，共產(chǎn)黨在重塑富強(qiáng)中起到的作用就不會(huì)這么令人印象深刻。

　　Yet shame is woven into the national fabric. As early as the fifth century BC, King Goujiannever allowed himself to forget a failed campaign that had cost him his kingdom and hisliberty. He slept on a bed of sticks and hung above his head a gall bladder, which he lickeddaily; its bitter taste served to remind him of his grievance, and gave him the strength tolater take his revenge. Chi kuto eat bitternessis a common phrase.

　　在中國(guó)悠久的歷史中，恥辱早就有所存在。公元前15世紀(jì)的時(shí)候，越王勾踐永記亡國(guó)之痛，囚禁之苦。他睡在柴草上，頭頂掛了個(gè)苦膽，每天都舔一舔，苦味讓他緊記其委屈，讓他有力量在以后復(fù)仇。吃苦是一個(gè)很常見的詞語。

　　In Wealth and Power Orville Schell, a longtime observer of China, and John Delury, a risingSinologist and Korea expert, set out to find the roots of Chinas economic success. In the styleof Jonathan Spence, the doyen of China historians, they do so through pen-portraits of 11intellectuals and politicians who strove to change China after 1842. Running through thisabsorbing book is the sense that Chinas leaders, from the much maligned Empress DowagerCixi to the recent reformist prime minister, Zhu Rongji, all tried, in their own way, toavenge the countrys history of shame.

　　Orville Schell是一個(gè)對(duì)中國(guó)很了解的資深專家，John Delury是一個(gè)新晉的中國(guó)研究專家和韓國(guó)專家，他們合著《富強(qiáng)》一書，試圖找到中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)成功的根源。模仿中國(guó)歷史學(xué)家Jonathan Spence前輩的風(fēng)格，他們通過講述1842年以后試圖改變中國(guó)的11位知識(shí)分子和政治家論證中國(guó)的成功。讀這本引人入勝的書，讓人們感覺從惡毒的皇太后慈禧到近代的改革派總理朱镕基都想用自己的方式一雪前恥。

　　The work of restoring Chinas lost wealth and power required overthrowing Confucianorthodoxy. The Confucian insistence on family over state, morality over materialism andritual over reward had let the country down in the face of Western threats. Indeed the questfor wealth and power was first articulated by Confuciuss arch-rivals, the Legalists: If a wiseruler masters wealth and power, said the Legalist philosopher Han Feizi two millennia ago, he can have whatever he desires.

　　重塑富強(qiáng)的中國(guó)需要顛覆儒家正統(tǒng)思想。儒家思想講究家大于國(guó)，道德大于物質(zhì)，先禮后兵，這讓中國(guó)陷入了外國(guó)的威脅之中。真正對(duì)富強(qiáng)的追求首先被儒家的對(duì)手法家闡述。法家的代表人物韓非子2000年前說：如果一個(gè)聰明的統(tǒng)治者掌握了富強(qiáng)，那么就什么都在掌控之中了。

　　In search of rejuvenation, the figures profiled in this book were obsessed with startinganew. They were prepared to try anything, especially lessons and ideas from the West.Chinas road to modernity is littered with isms: constitutionalism , socialDarwinism , enlightened despotism and republicanism . Even the Chinese leader who clung most to traditional Confucian notions, ChiangKai-shek, drew from Leninism and the fascism of Mussolini.

　　尋求復(fù)興的過程中，本書中的人物都著迷于重新開始。他們準(zhǔn)備嘗試任何事物，尤其是來自西方的思想和教訓(xùn)。中國(guó)的現(xiàn)代化之路上充滿了各種主義，有康有為的立憲主義，有嚴(yán)復(fù)的社會(huì)達(dá)爾文主義，有梁?jiǎn)⒊拈_明專制主義，還有孫中山的共和主義。甚至是最講究傳統(tǒng)儒家信條的蔣介石都吸收列寧主義和墨索里尼的法西斯主義思想。

　　Most of Chinas experiments with Western recipes ended in disaster. The ancient pull ofChinese history seemed to resist modernity. In this light, Messrs Schell and Deluryprovocatively try to rehabilitate Mao Zedong. They have no illusions about the catastropheshe unleashed, such as the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution. Nor do theycredit him with the power to predict the economic miracle that followed his death. But theysuggest that Maos passion for permanent revolutionhis eagerness to force-march Chinaaway from the countrys old habitsleft a blank slate for Deng Xiaoping, the architect ofChinese prosperity. Mao had bequeathed a vast new shovel-ready construction site forDengs own great enterprise of reform and opening up.

　　中國(guó)大部分西為中用的實(shí)驗(yàn)都宣告失敗。中國(guó)歷史古代的力量似乎阻礙著現(xiàn)代化進(jìn)程。基于這個(gè)認(rèn)識(shí)，Messrs Schell和Delury試圖重現(xiàn)毛澤東的成功之路。他們沒有描述毛澤東親手發(fā)動(dòng)的災(zāi)難，比如說大躍進(jìn)和文化大革命。他們也沒有頌揚(yáng)他預(yù)測(cè)死后的經(jīng)濟(jì)奇跡。但是他們論證毛澤東對(duì)革命的熱情，鏟除舊風(fēng)俗的欲望，為中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)建設(shè)的總工程師鄧小平掃清了道路。毛澤東把一大筆建設(shè)遺產(chǎn)留給了鄧小平，使得鄧小平能開展改革開放。

　　It is a contentious claim. Other countries have got to where China is without passingthrough this gateway of trauma, bloodshed and suffering. And Chinas growing wealth andmilitary and diplomatic might is not the end of the story, as the authors acknowledge.The question now is what will China do with it?

　　這個(gè)說法很有爭(zhēng)議。其他國(guó)家在沒有經(jīng)歷中國(guó)所經(jīng)歷的災(zāi)難，血淚和屈辱的情況下也達(dá)到了中國(guó)的地位。中國(guó)增長(zhǎng)的財(cái)富，軍事和外交實(shí)力不是故事的結(jié)束。問題是中國(guó)會(huì)用這些做什么?

　　Liu Xiaobo, a Nobel peace laureate in prisonone of several jail terms to which he has beensentenced during his lifetimeis perhaps the most inspiring character portrayed in thisbook. He is certainly the most astute critic of the motivations behind Chinas pursuit ofwealth and power, including the almost pathological need among Chinas leaders toovertake the West. He poses some incisive questions: who is served by Chinasnationalism? When national pride is used to justify despotic government, what is theeventual cost to ordinary people?

　　劉曉波，一位待在監(jiān)獄的諾貝爾和平獎(jiǎng)獲得者，或許是本書中最令人感悟的角色。他正在服刑，已經(jīng)入獄數(shù)次。他是中國(guó)崛起動(dòng)機(jī)最機(jī)敏的批評(píng)者。他甚至給出中國(guó)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人趕超西方的近乎病態(tài)的原因。他提了很多尖銳的問題：中國(guó)民族主義的受益者是誰?當(dāng)國(guó)家榮譽(yù)為暴政服務(wù)，公民的代價(jià)是什么?

　　Lu Xun, one of Chinas greatest writers at the time of the countrys debasement in the early20th century, complained that the Chinese act like slaves before strong people, and likemasters in front of the weak. Today China is authoritarian at home and increasingly flexingits muscles abroad. Many now wonder whether the abused child, nourished on bitterness,must necessarily become an abuser itself; or whether, now that it is rich and strong, Chinawill learn to be at peace with itself and the world. It is one of the great open questions of theday.

　　魯迅，20世紀(jì)初期中國(guó)最著名的作家，抱怨中國(guó)人在強(qiáng)者面前跟奴隸一樣，在弱者面前跟主人一樣。如今，中國(guó)在國(guó)內(nèi)一黨專政，在國(guó)外也展現(xiàn)自己的實(shí)力。很多人擔(dān)心被欺負(fù)的小孩，受盡了苦頭，會(huì)不會(huì)變成一個(gè)施虐者，或者，當(dāng)中國(guó)富強(qiáng)了，中國(guó)會(huì)學(xué)會(huì)與世界和平相處。這是現(xiàn)在很重要的一個(gè)公開問題。

　　Chinas return to greatness

　　中國(guó)回歸強(qiáng)大

　　Marching forward

　　艱難前行

　　The great power is still licking old wounds

　　這個(gè)強(qiáng)國(guó)仍在舔舐舊傷口

　　Wealth and Power: Chinas Long March to theTwenty-First Century. By Orville Schell and John Delury. Random House; 478 pages

　　《富強(qiáng)：中國(guó)21世紀(jì)的長(zhǎng)征》

　　MODERN Chinas founding trauma came in 1842, when British troops pushed opium downthe throats of a prostrate nation at the Treaty of Nanjing. Today this brutal military anddiplomatic defeat is hailed in China for the way its darkness forced a new dawn.

　　現(xiàn)代中國(guó)的災(zāi)難始于1842年，英國(guó)軍隊(duì)在南京條約下強(qiáng)制向中國(guó)輸送鴉片。今天殘暴的軍隊(duì)和失敗的外交在中國(guó)都不復(fù)存在了，黑暗之后迎來了黎明。

　　Indeed, China celebrates defeat like other countries mark victoriesand the humiliations ofsubsequent decades afford plenty of opportunities, with the once great empire carved up atthe hands first of Europeans and then the Japanese. This grim past is central to the narrativeof the ruling Communist Party. Without Chinas legacy of humiliation, the partys role inrestoring fuqiangwealth and powerwould look less impressive.

　　確實(shí)， 中國(guó)像其他國(guó)家一樣慶祝勝利，這個(gè)曾經(jīng)的強(qiáng)大帝國(guó)先后被歐洲列強(qiáng)和日本瓜分，給后代留下了深深的恥辱。這些殘忍的過去經(jīng)常被共產(chǎn)黨說起。沒有中華民族所經(jīng)歷的恥辱，共產(chǎn)黨在重塑富強(qiáng)中起到的作用就不會(huì)這么令人印象深刻。

　　Yet shame is woven into the national fabric. As early as the fifth century BC, King Goujiannever allowed himself to forget a failed campaign that had cost him his kingdom and hisliberty. He slept on a bed of sticks and hung above his head a gall bladder, which he lickeddaily; its bitter taste served to remind him of his grievance, and gave him the strength tolater take his revenge. Chi kuto eat bitternessis a common phrase.

　　在中國(guó)悠久的歷史中，恥辱早就有所存在。公元前15世紀(jì)的時(shí)候，越王勾踐永記亡國(guó)之痛，囚禁之苦。他睡在柴草上，頭頂掛了個(gè)苦膽，每天都舔一舔，苦味讓他緊記其委屈，讓他有力量在以后復(fù)仇。吃苦是一個(gè)很常見的詞語。

　　In Wealth and Power Orville Schell, a longtime observer of China, and John Delury, a risingSinologist and Korea expert, set out to find the roots of Chinas economic success. In the styleof Jonathan Spence, the doyen of China historians, they do so through pen-portraits of 11intellectuals and politicians who strove to change China after 1842. Running through thisabsorbing book is the sense that Chinas leaders, from the much maligned Empress DowagerCixi to the recent reformist prime minister, Zhu Rongji, all tried, in their own way, toavenge the countrys history of shame.

　　Orville Schell是一個(gè)對(duì)中國(guó)很了解的資深專家，John Delury是一個(gè)新晉的中國(guó)研究專家和韓國(guó)專家，他們合著《富強(qiáng)》一書，試圖找到中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)成功的根源。模仿中國(guó)歷史學(xué)家Jonathan Spence前輩的風(fēng)格，他們通過講述1842年以后試圖改變中國(guó)的11位知識(shí)分子和政治家論證中國(guó)的成功。讀這本引人入勝的書，讓人們感覺從惡毒的皇太后慈禧到近代的改革派總理朱镕基都想用自己的方式一雪前恥。

　　The work of restoring Chinas lost wealth and power required overthrowing Confucianorthodoxy. The Confucian insistence on family over state, morality over materialism andritual over reward had let the country down in the face of Western threats. Indeed the questfor wealth and power was first articulated by Confuciuss arch-rivals, the Legalists: If a wiseruler masters wealth and power, said the Legalist philosopher Han Feizi two millennia ago, he can have whatever he desires.

　　重塑富強(qiáng)的中國(guó)需要顛覆儒家正統(tǒng)思想。儒家思想講究家大于國(guó)，道德大于物質(zhì)，先禮后兵，這讓中國(guó)陷入了外國(guó)的威脅之中。真正對(duì)富強(qiáng)的追求首先被儒家的對(duì)手法家闡述。法家的代表人物韓非子2000年前說：如果一個(gè)聰明的統(tǒng)治者掌握了富強(qiáng)，那么就什么都在掌控之中了。

　　In search of rejuvenation, the figures profiled in this book were obsessed with startinganew. They were prepared to try anything, especially lessons and ideas from the West.Chinas road to modernity is littered with isms: constitutionalism , socialDarwinism , enlightened despotism and republicanism . Even the Chinese leader who clung most to traditional Confucian notions, ChiangKai-shek, drew from Leninism and the fascism of Mussolini.

　　尋求復(fù)興的過程中，本書中的人物都著迷于重新開始。他們準(zhǔn)備嘗試任何事物，尤其是來自西方的思想和教訓(xùn)。中國(guó)的現(xiàn)代化之路上充滿了各種主義，有康有為的立憲主義，有嚴(yán)復(fù)的社會(huì)達(dá)爾文主義，有梁?jiǎn)⒊拈_明專制主義，還有孫中山的共和主義。甚至是最講究傳統(tǒng)儒家信條的蔣介石都吸收列寧主義和墨索里尼的法西斯主義思想。

　　Most of Chinas experiments with Western recipes ended in disaster. The ancient pull ofChinese history seemed to resist modernity. In this light, Messrs Schell and Deluryprovocatively try to rehabilitate Mao Zedong. They have no illusions about the catastropheshe unleashed, such as the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution. Nor do theycredit him with the power to predict the economic miracle that followed his death. But theysuggest that Maos passion for permanent revolutionhis eagerness to force-march Chinaaway from the countrys old habitsleft a blank slate for Deng Xiaoping, the architect ofChinese prosperity. Mao had bequeathed a vast new shovel-ready construction site forDengs own great enterprise of reform and opening up.

　　中國(guó)大部分西為中用的實(shí)驗(yàn)都宣告失敗。中國(guó)歷史古代的力量似乎阻礙著現(xiàn)代化進(jìn)程?；谶@個(gè)認(rèn)識(shí)，Messrs Schell和Delury試圖重現(xiàn)毛澤東的成功之路。他們沒有描述毛澤東親手發(fā)動(dòng)的災(zāi)難，比如說大躍進(jìn)和文化大革命。他們也沒有頌揚(yáng)他預(yù)測(cè)死后的經(jīng)濟(jì)奇跡。但是他們論證毛澤東對(duì)革命的熱情，鏟除舊風(fēng)俗的欲望，為中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)建設(shè)的總工程師鄧小平掃清了道路。毛澤東把一大筆建設(shè)遺產(chǎn)留給了鄧小平，使得鄧小平能開展改革開放。

　　It is a contentious claim. Other countries have got to where China is without passingthrough this gateway of trauma, bloodshed and suffering. And Chinas growing wealth andmilitary and diplomatic might is not the end of the story, as the authors acknowledge.The question now is what will China do with it?

　　這個(gè)說法很有爭(zhēng)議。其他國(guó)家在沒有經(jīng)歷中國(guó)所經(jīng)歷的災(zāi)難，血淚和屈辱的情況下也達(dá)到了中國(guó)的地位。中國(guó)增長(zhǎng)的財(cái)富，軍事和外交實(shí)力不是故事的結(jié)束。問題是中國(guó)會(huì)用這些做什么?

　　Liu Xiaobo, a Nobel peace laureate in prisonone of several jail terms to which he has beensentenced during his lifetimeis perhaps the most inspiring character portrayed in thisbook. He is certainly the most astute critic of the motivations behind Chinas pursuit ofwealth and power, including the almost pathological need among Chinas leaders toovertake the West. He poses some incisive questions: who is served by Chinasnationalism? When national pride is used to justify despotic government, what is theeventual cost to ordinary people?

　　劉曉波，一位待在監(jiān)獄的諾貝爾和平獎(jiǎng)獲得者，或許是本書中最令人感悟的角色。他正在服刑，已經(jīng)入獄數(shù)次。他是中國(guó)崛起動(dòng)機(jī)最機(jī)敏的批評(píng)者。他甚至給出中國(guó)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人趕超西方的近乎病態(tài)的原因。他提了很多尖銳的問題：中國(guó)民族主義的受益者是誰?當(dāng)國(guó)家榮譽(yù)為暴政服務(wù)，公民的代價(jià)是什么?

　　Lu Xun, one of Chinas greatest writers at the time of the countrys debasement in the early20th century, complained that the Chinese act like slaves before strong people, and likemasters in front of the weak. Today China is authoritarian at home and increasingly flexingits muscles abroad. Many now wonder whether the abused child, nourished on bitterness,must necessarily become an abuser itself; or whether, now that it is rich and strong, Chinawill learn to be at peace with itself and the world. It is one of the great open questions of theday.

　　魯迅，20世紀(jì)初期中國(guó)最著名的作家，抱怨中國(guó)人在強(qiáng)者面前跟奴隸一樣，在弱者面前跟主人一樣。如今，中國(guó)在國(guó)內(nèi)一黨專政，在國(guó)外也展現(xiàn)自己的實(shí)力。很多人擔(dān)心被欺負(fù)的小孩，受盡了苦頭，會(huì)不會(huì)變成一個(gè)施虐者，或者，當(dāng)中國(guó)富強(qiáng)了，中國(guó)會(huì)學(xué)會(huì)與世界和平相處。這是現(xiàn)在很重要的一個(gè)公開問題。