2023考研英語閱讀美國佬的幸福婚姻
Connubial bliss in America
美國佬的幸福婚姻
AMERICA is the country, said Alexis de Tocqueville,where the bonds of marriage are most respectedand the concept of connubial bliss has its highestand truest expression. If the French aristocrat wereto revisit Americas capital today, he might at firstglance think his observation had withstood thetest of time remarkably well. Not content with having in 1996 put a Defence of Marriage Act on the statute book, Congress has now begun to hold hearings on a Respect forMarriage Act. Defended, respected: what could possibly ail marriage in America?
法國歷史學家、社會學家阿歷克西.德.托克維爾說美國是一個最重視婚姻，最能夠詮釋也最能真實體現婚姻幸福的國家。如果這位法國貴族如今故地重游，可能他一眼就會發現他的觀點可謂經住了時間的考驗。早在 1996年就頒布了 婚姻保護法 的議會并不滿足，如今又開始對 尊重婚姻法案 舉行聽證會。那么，無論是保護婚姻也好，尊重婚姻也要罷，什么才是讓美國的婚姻現狀陷入窘境的罪魁禍首呢?
Plenty. As the revisiting Norman would swiftly discover, Americans today are better atquarrelling about what marriage is and who should be allowed to enjoy its benefits than theyare at the more demanding work of getting and staying married themselves. The NationalMarriage Project at the University of Virginia points to a widening marriage gap. Traditionalfamily values are enjoying a revival among better-educated Americans, but are fraying in thelower middle class and have collapsed among the poor. As for laws defending and respectingmarriage, these are merely weapons in a battle that has rolled back and forth for more than adecade between those who say that same-sex couples should be allowed to marry and thosewho abhor the idea.
個中緣由有很多。若是托克維爾故地重游，他會立馬發現，今天的美國更熱衷于爭論婚姻的含義，爭論誰才有資格享受婚姻的權利，并說的頭頭是道。而對于他們還需要做什么去爭取和維系婚姻并不感興趣。弗吉尼亞大學的國家婚姻工程指出婚姻觀念的差距正在不斷拉大。傳統的家庭價值觀在一些受過良好教育的美國公眾間又重新興起，但卻在中低等收入階級中碰壁，而在窮人那兒完全坍塌。至于 婚姻保護法 和 尊重婚姻法案 ，不過是那些贊成同性婚姻與厭惡同性結合的人之間十多年來，來來回回較量的武器。
So far neither side has scored a decisive victory,though each will occasionally claim one. When itwas passed, DOMA looked like a solid victory forenemies of gay marriage. Its aim was to nip movestowards same-sex marriage in the bud by definingmarriage as a legal union between one man and onewoman as husband and wife. It also stipulated thatin the event of an individual state making same-sexmarriage lawful, no other state needed to respect therights or claims arising from such a marriage. Tobuttress this apparently formidable firewall, threedozen states have imposed constitutional or other legal bans.
即使中間有一方會時不時聲稱自己占了上風，但至今雙方并沒有獲得決定性的勝利。當年的 婚姻保護法 一被通過，就被看作是反同性婚姻者們一次堅實的勝利。這個法案的目的就是要將婚姻在法律上定義為由一男一女結合的夫妻關系，以此將同性婚姻扼殺在萌芽中。法律還規定若某州份使同性婚姻合法化，其他各州份不需要承認在這種同性婚姻下產生的權利或訴求。接著，為了支持這一看似強大的禁令，有36個州份都通過立法或修改憲法來確定它們不認可同性結合。
And yet gay marriage marches on, scoring its own victories along the way. Among the greatestand most recent was New Yorks decision last month to become the sixth and most-populousstate to allow same-sex marriage. If the Respect for Marriage Act were to become law , this would defang DOMA and markanother victory for gay marriage. But DOMA is anyway not the deterrent it once seemed. Theever-cautious Barack Obama, who favours civil unions but says his views on gay marriage arestill evolving, has ordered the Justice Department to stop defending the law, which is underchallenge in the courts.
時至今日，促使同性婚姻合法化的斗爭仍在繼續，并取得了不小的勝利。最近的一次大勝便是紐約州在上個月通過了同性戀婚姻法，成為了全美第6個也是最有名氣的實現同性婚姻合法化的州。如果 尊重婚姻法案 也被通過，這將是對保護婚姻法案的有力一擊，也將預示著同性婚姻合法化運動更深遠的勝利。但不管怎樣， 婚姻保護法 并不像它表面上那樣充滿威懾力。支持同性間民事結合的貝拉克.奧巴馬一貫小心謹慎，也表示他自己對待同性婚姻的立場正在演變，他要求司法部不要再為在法庭上備受爭議的 保護婚姻法案 辯護。
The relentless back-and-forth in Congress, the courts and state legislatures transfixes theminority of Americans who feel strongly about this issue. And yet the cycle of victories anddefeats may in the end matter less than one startling underlying fact, which is that Americasattitudes to homosexuality appear in recent years to have undergone a dramatic change.
議會，法庭 ，州議會間就 婚姻保護法 問題的拉鋸戰讓大多數強烈反對同性婚姻的人無計可施。而他們之間輪番的勝敗在此刻也顯得不那么重要，更重要的是，美國民眾對同性戀的態度在最近幾年將會發生巨大轉變，這是一個令人驚訝的潛在事實。
Gallup reported in May that for the first time ever amajority of Americans said thatsame-sex couples should have the same marriagerights as straight couples. In 1996, the time ofDOMA, the majority leant 68% to 27% the otherway. The controversial policy of dont ask, donttell, which banned gays from serving openly in thearmed forces, is meanwhile due to expire inSeptember with surprisingly little hue and cry. Andwhen National Journal polled political insiders thismonth, it found a majority of Democratic politicos,lobbyists and strategists in favour of making gay marriage legal. No less telling, a majority oftheir Republican counterparts, while continuing to oppose gay marriage, thought their partyshould just ignore the issue.
今年五月的蓋洛普民意調查第一次顯示，大部分美國民眾認為同性伴侶應該享有與異性夫妻同等的婚姻權利。1996年 婚姻保護法 剛頒布的時候，支持上述說法的只有27%,而反對則的占68%。這項所謂不得質不問，不說的頗具爭議的禁止同性戀者公開參軍法令，將在今年9月份失效。 國家雜志上刊登出對這個月對內部政客意見的調查結果顯示，大部分民主黨政客，說客，戰略家支持同性婚姻合法化。勿需多言，大多數共和黨人依然反對同性婚姻，并認為共和黨應該直接對同性婚姻問題說，免談。
That might make electoral sense. Since it is the young who are most relaxed about gaymarriage, standing in its path might cost the Republicans dear in the future. The notion ofdenying gays the spousal rights available to others makes little sense to a generation thatsees marriage at least as much as a union of soul-mates as a formal structure for child-rearing.
這可能會直接影響黨派在選舉上的受歡迎程度。因為現在的年輕人并不在乎到底是異性戀還是同性戀，共和黨強力阻攔同性戀只會為自己的前途擱上絆腳石。這一代的年輕人將婚姻視作是靈魂上的伴侶而不僅僅是為傳宗接代的名正言順，因此，異性婚姻有的權利到同性結合上卻沒有，年輕人對此表示無法理解。
To crusaders against gay marriage, however, the issue transcends electoral calculation. Theysay they are defending both Gods will and a vital child-centred institution that is alreadybeleaguered enough. In this election cycle, Michele Bachmann, the Minnesota congresswomanpursuing the Republican presidential nomination, has become a lightning-conductor on gayissues. In spite of having a gay stepsister, she has long put opposition to same-sex marriageat the centre of her politics. In 2004 she likened the gay lifestyle to personal bondage,personal despair and personal enslavement. The fact that her husband runs a clinic offering tocure gays of their supposed affliction has caused both indignation and merriment amongmetropolitan types.
然而，對于反對同性婚姻的戰士們來說，同性婚姻這個問題已經。他們自稱既捍衛神的旨意又在捍衛著以孩子為中心的重要社會習俗，而這一習俗已是頗受指責。在這次選舉周期里，尼蘇達州國會女議員米歇爾.巴赫曼是明，為了爭取到共和黨總統候選人提名奮力角逐，變成了同性戀問題的一把避雷針。盡管自己有一個同父異母的姐姐就是同性戀，但她一直以來還是把反對同性婚姻作為自己的核心政治立場。早在2004年，她就將同性戀的生活方式比作 對個人的束縛，奴役，和折磨的生活。她的丈夫開了一家診所，他們為他們所認為飽受同性戀之苦的人們提供治療，這真是讓大城市里的人又愛又恨。
Attitudes like Mrs Bachmanns may do her little harmwith the Republican base, but strike parts of thewider electorate as antiquated or downrightbigoted. That may be why Rudy Giuliani, the formermayor of New York who ran for the presidency in2008 and may yet do so again, has warned fellowRepublicans to get the heck out of peoplesbedrooms. It could also explain why Rick Perry, thegovernor of Texas now pondering a presidential runof his own, says that he has no quarrel with NewYorks new law. Pleading the tenth amendment, he argues that New Yorks stand on gay marriage is its own business.
在共和黨陣營中，巴赫曼所持的這類看法對她來說并無大礙，可對公眾而言，她這種守舊或是徹底頑固不化的形象也讓她痛失部分選民的支持，這也許就是前紐約市市長朱利安尼提醒共和黨人，別攙和人家房事的原因。朱利安尼曾在2008年參與總統競選，而這次可能會繼續參與對總統職位的角逐。同樣這也許是正考慮參選下屆總統的德克薩斯州州長裴禮聲稱自己對于紐約州的同性婚姻法沒什么意見的原因。裴禮以《美國憲法第10修正案》(第10修正案保護各州的權利依據認為紐約州對于同性婚姻態度如何是他們自己的事。
In point of fact, neither Mr Giuliani nor Mr Perry favours gay marriage. Mr Giuliani says civilunions are good enough for gays. Mr Perry has not only been a vehement opponent of gaymarriage but also gone so far as to defend Texass anti-sodomy law, which the Supreme Courthas ruled to be unconstitutional. Such men have their beliefs, but they are also seasonedpoliticians. They can see which way the national mood is blowing.
事實上，朱利安尼和裴禮二人都不贊成同性婚姻。朱利安尼認為民事結合對同性伴侶而言就足夠了。而裴禮之前不僅曾強烈反對同性婚姻，甚至還強硬到維護德克薩斯州的《反雞奸法》，而《反雞奸法》已被美國最高法院裁定違憲。這些人雖然有自己的見解，但他們也是老道的政客。他們很清楚什么時候該見風使舵，順應民意。
Connubial bliss in America
美國佬的幸福婚姻
AMERICA is the country, said Alexis de Tocqueville,where the bonds of marriage are most respectedand the concept of connubial bliss has its highestand truest expression. If the French aristocrat wereto revisit Americas capital today, he might at firstglance think his observation had withstood thetest of time remarkably well. Not content with having in 1996 put a Defence of Marriage Act on the statute book, Congress has now begun to hold hearings on a Respect forMarriage Act. Defended, respected: what could possibly ail marriage in America?
法國歷史學家、社會學家阿歷克西.德.托克維爾說美國是一個最重視婚姻，最能夠詮釋也最能真實體現婚姻幸福的國家。如果這位法國貴族如今故地重游，可能他一眼就會發現他的觀點可謂經住了時間的考驗。早在 1996年就頒布了 婚姻保護法 的議會并不滿足，如今又開始對 尊重婚姻法案 舉行聽證會。那么，無論是保護婚姻也好，尊重婚姻也要罷，什么才是讓美國的婚姻現狀陷入窘境的罪魁禍首呢?
Plenty. As the revisiting Norman would swiftly discover, Americans today are better atquarrelling about what marriage is and who should be allowed to enjoy its benefits than theyare at the more demanding work of getting and staying married themselves. The NationalMarriage Project at the University of Virginia points to a widening marriage gap. Traditionalfamily values are enjoying a revival among better-educated Americans, but are fraying in thelower middle class and have collapsed among the poor. As for laws defending and respectingmarriage, these are merely weapons in a battle that has rolled back and forth for more than adecade between those who say that same-sex couples should be allowed to marry and thosewho abhor the idea.
個中緣由有很多。若是托克維爾故地重游，他會立馬發現，今天的美國更熱衷于爭論婚姻的含義，爭論誰才有資格享受婚姻的權利，并說的頭頭是道。而對于他們還需要做什么去爭取和維系婚姻并不感興趣。弗吉尼亞大學的國家婚姻工程指出婚姻觀念的差距正在不斷拉大。傳統的家庭價值觀在一些受過良好教育的美國公眾間又重新興起，但卻在中低等收入階級中碰壁，而在窮人那兒完全坍塌。至于 婚姻保護法 和 尊重婚姻法案 ，不過是那些贊成同性婚姻與厭惡同性結合的人之間十多年來，來來回回較量的武器。
So far neither side has scored a decisive victory,though each will occasionally claim one. When itwas passed, DOMA looked like a solid victory forenemies of gay marriage. Its aim was to nip movestowards same-sex marriage in the bud by definingmarriage as a legal union between one man and onewoman as husband and wife. It also stipulated thatin the event of an individual state making same-sexmarriage lawful, no other state needed to respect therights or claims arising from such a marriage. Tobuttress this apparently formidable firewall, threedozen states have imposed constitutional or other legal bans.
即使中間有一方會時不時聲稱自己占了上風，但至今雙方并沒有獲得決定性的勝利。當年的 婚姻保護法 一被通過，就被看作是反同性婚姻者們一次堅實的勝利。這個法案的目的就是要將婚姻在法律上定義為由一男一女結合的夫妻關系，以此將同性婚姻扼殺在萌芽中。法律還規定若某州份使同性婚姻合法化，其他各州份不需要承認在這種同性婚姻下產生的權利或訴求。接著，為了支持這一看似強大的禁令，有36個州份都通過立法或修改憲法來確定它們不認可同性結合。
And yet gay marriage marches on, scoring its own victories along the way. Among the greatestand most recent was New Yorks decision last month to become the sixth and most-populousstate to allow same-sex marriage. If the Respect for Marriage Act were to become law , this would defang DOMA and markanother victory for gay marriage. But DOMA is anyway not the deterrent it once seemed. Theever-cautious Barack Obama, who favours civil unions but says his views on gay marriage arestill evolving, has ordered the Justice Department to stop defending the law, which is underchallenge in the courts.
時至今日，促使同性婚姻合法化的斗爭仍在繼續，并取得了不小的勝利。最近的一次大勝便是紐約州在上個月通過了同性戀婚姻法，成為了全美第6個也是最有名氣的實現同性婚姻合法化的州。如果 尊重婚姻法案 也被通過，這將是對保護婚姻法案的有力一擊，也將預示著同性婚姻合法化運動更深遠的勝利。但不管怎樣， 婚姻保護法 并不像它表面上那樣充滿威懾力。支持同性間民事結合的貝拉克.奧巴馬一貫小心謹慎，也表示他自己對待同性婚姻的立場正在演變，他要求司法部不要再為在法庭上備受爭議的 保護婚姻法案 辯護。
The relentless back-and-forth in Congress, the courts and state legislatures transfixes theminority of Americans who feel strongly about this issue. And yet the cycle of victories anddefeats may in the end matter less than one startling underlying fact, which is that Americasattitudes to homosexuality appear in recent years to have undergone a dramatic change.
議會，法庭 ，州議會間就 婚姻保護法 問題的拉鋸戰讓大多數強烈反對同性婚姻的人無計可施。而他們之間輪番的勝敗在此刻也顯得不那么重要，更重要的是，美國民眾對同性戀的態度在最近幾年將會發生巨大轉變，這是一個令人驚訝的潛在事實。
Gallup reported in May that for the first time ever amajority of Americans said thatsame-sex couples should have the same marriagerights as straight couples. In 1996, the time ofDOMA, the majority leant 68% to 27% the otherway. The controversial policy of dont ask, donttell, which banned gays from serving openly in thearmed forces, is meanwhile due to expire inSeptember with surprisingly little hue and cry. Andwhen National Journal polled political insiders thismonth, it found a majority of Democratic politicos,lobbyists and strategists in favour of making gay marriage legal. No less telling, a majority oftheir Republican counterparts, while continuing to oppose gay marriage, thought their partyshould just ignore the issue.
今年五月的蓋洛普民意調查第一次顯示，大部分美國民眾認為同性伴侶應該享有與異性夫妻同等的婚姻權利。1996年 婚姻保護法 剛頒布的時候，支持上述說法的只有27%,而反對則的占68%。這項所謂不得質不問，不說的頗具爭議的禁止同性戀者公開參軍法令，將在今年9月份失效。 國家雜志上刊登出對這個月對內部政客意見的調查結果顯示，大部分民主黨政客，說客，戰略家支持同性婚姻合法化。勿需多言，大多數共和黨人依然反對同性婚姻，并認為共和黨應該直接對同性婚姻問題說，免談。
That might make electoral sense. Since it is the young who are most relaxed about gaymarriage, standing in its path might cost the Republicans dear in the future. The notion ofdenying gays the spousal rights available to others makes little sense to a generation thatsees marriage at least as much as a union of soul-mates as a formal structure for child-rearing.
這可能會直接影響黨派在選舉上的受歡迎程度。因為現在的年輕人并不在乎到底是異性戀還是同性戀，共和黨強力阻攔同性戀只會為自己的前途擱上絆腳石。這一代的年輕人將婚姻視作是靈魂上的伴侶而不僅僅是為傳宗接代的名正言順，因此，異性婚姻有的權利到同性結合上卻沒有，年輕人對此表示無法理解。
To crusaders against gay marriage, however, the issue transcends electoral calculation. Theysay they are defending both Gods will and a vital child-centred institution that is alreadybeleaguered enough. In this election cycle, Michele Bachmann, the Minnesota congresswomanpursuing the Republican presidential nomination, has become a lightning-conductor on gayissues. In spite of having a gay stepsister, she has long put opposition to same-sex marriageat the centre of her politics. In 2004 she likened the gay lifestyle to personal bondage,personal despair and personal enslavement. The fact that her husband runs a clinic offering tocure gays of their supposed affliction has caused both indignation and merriment amongmetropolitan types.
然而，對于反對同性婚姻的戰士們來說，同性婚姻這個問題已經。他們自稱既捍衛神的旨意又在捍衛著以孩子為中心的重要社會習俗，而這一習俗已是頗受指責。在這次選舉周期里，尼蘇達州國會女議員米歇爾.巴赫曼是明，為了爭取到共和黨總統候選人提名奮力角逐，變成了同性戀問題的一把避雷針。盡管自己有一個同父異母的姐姐就是同性戀，但她一直以來還是把反對同性婚姻作為自己的核心政治立場。早在2004年，她就將同性戀的生活方式比作 對個人的束縛，奴役，和折磨的生活。她的丈夫開了一家診所，他們為他們所認為飽受同性戀之苦的人們提供治療，這真是讓大城市里的人又愛又恨。
Attitudes like Mrs Bachmanns may do her little harmwith the Republican base, but strike parts of thewider electorate as antiquated or downrightbigoted. That may be why Rudy Giuliani, the formermayor of New York who ran for the presidency in2008 and may yet do so again, has warned fellowRepublicans to get the heck out of peoplesbedrooms. It could also explain why Rick Perry, thegovernor of Texas now pondering a presidential runof his own, says that he has no quarrel with NewYorks new law. Pleading the tenth amendment, he argues that New Yorks stand on gay marriage is its own business.
在共和黨陣營中，巴赫曼所持的這類看法對她來說并無大礙，可對公眾而言，她這種守舊或是徹底頑固不化的形象也讓她痛失部分選民的支持，這也許就是前紐約市市長朱利安尼提醒共和黨人，別攙和人家房事的原因。朱利安尼曾在2008年參與總統競選，而這次可能會繼續參與對總統職位的角逐。同樣這也許是正考慮參選下屆總統的德克薩斯州州長裴禮聲稱自己對于紐約州的同性婚姻法沒什么意見的原因。裴禮以《美國憲法第10修正案》(第10修正案保護各州的權利依據認為紐約州對于同性婚姻態度如何是他們自己的事。
In point of fact, neither Mr Giuliani nor Mr Perry favours gay marriage. Mr Giuliani says civilunions are good enough for gays. Mr Perry has not only been a vehement opponent of gaymarriage but also gone so far as to defend Texass anti-sodomy law, which the Supreme Courthas ruled to be unconstitutional. Such men have their beliefs, but they are also seasonedpoliticians. They can see which way the national mood is blowing.
事實上，朱利安尼和裴禮二人都不贊成同性婚姻。朱利安尼認為民事結合對同性伴侶而言就足夠了。而裴禮之前不僅曾強烈反對同性婚姻，甚至還強硬到維護德克薩斯州的《反雞奸法》，而《反雞奸法》已被美國最高法院裁定違憲。這些人雖然有自己的見解，但他們也是老道的政客。他們很清楚什么時候該見風使舵，順應民意。
