2023考研英語閱讀后海嘯時期日本政治
Japan s post-tsunami politics
后海嘯時期日本政治
Flailing
徒勞掙扎
Political co-operation, hard before the earthquakeand tsunami, has got harder
地震和海嘯發生之前就困難重重的政治合作，現在更是愈發艱難
AS JAPAN copes with its worst crisis since thesecond world war, the prime minister, Naoto Kan, iscalling for a new politics. In particular, he wants collaboration with opposition parties mostlybent on ousting him. Many ways of doing things in this country have come to the end of theroad, he said on April 11th. To rebuild this country, we need a new mindset. I hope forandexpecta new direction.
日本正在面對自二戰以來的最大危機，現任首相菅直人正在呼吁出臺新政。特別地，他希望能和決意令他下臺的在野黨合作。4月11日菅直人說：這個國家一些處理事情的方法已經走到了盡頭。為了重建這個國家，我們需要全新的精神狀態。我希望著并盼望著能有新的出路。
He seems unlikely to get it. The quake and tsunami that devastated north-eastern Japan, andthe nuclear disaster that followed, have disrupted the economy, with power shortages andstricken factories. Ordinary Japanese have cut back on inessential spending, in a mood ofsacrificial restraint. Much has changed. Yet one constant remains: petty political bickering.
看來菅直人不太可能看到這一出路了。摧毀日本東北部的地震和海嘯，以及隨之而來的核災難，導致了能源短缺以及工廠受災，從而擾亂了日本經濟。在 自肅精神的影響下，日本普通民眾減少了不必要的開支。許多事情都改變了，但是瑣碎的政治爭吵卻從未間斷過。
As the government has attempted to deal with the mess, the opposition Liberal DemocraticParty has picked on minor gaffes to justify exaggerated displays of outrage. Mr Kansoffer to the LDPs leader, Sadakazu Tanigaki, to form a grand coalition with his DemocraticParty of Japan was rebuffed. The opposition thinks Mr Kan is flailing and his primeministership, which was in trouble well before the earthquake, is in danger.
就在政府試圖收拾亂攤子時，在野黨自由民主黨通過挑毛病來替民眾夸張的憤怒辯護。菅直人向自由民主黨主席谷桓禎一提出：由自由民主黨和他的民主黨一起成立聯合政府，但這個提議被谷桓禎一斷然拒絕。在野黨認為菅直人在徒勞掙扎，他本在地震之前就不牢固的首相職位現在更是岌岌可危。
In opinion polls, Mr Kans personal support has increased slightly since then, but around two-thirds of voters are disappointed with the governments handling of the crisis, particularly atthe Fukushima nuclear plant. On April 12th the nuclear accident there was upgraded to levelseven, the highest rating on an international scale of severity. That places it on a par with theChernobyl disaster 25 years ago this month .
民意測驗顯示：在此之后菅直人的支持率有了短暫上升，但是約有2/3的選民對于政府應對危機的能力表示失望，尤其是在處理福島核電站的問題上。福島的核事故在4月12日升至7級，這是國際范圍內嚴重問題的最高等級。這使福島達到了在25年前這個月發生的切爾諾貝利核災難的高度。
On April 10th the DPJs troubles took their toll inregional and local elections. The party lost all three ofits races for prefectural governorships to the LDP. Itfailed to gain a plurality in any of 41 prefectural andmunicipal assemblies that were up for grabs. Thedrubbing has emboldened LDP politicians to resistmore collaboration. As ever, they aim to oust MrKan and precipitate an early general election.
4月10日，民主黨的問題在統一地方選舉中顯現出來。該黨在全部三個地區的知事選舉中落敗于自由民主黨。民主黨也沒有在41個道府縣議會競選中取得較多席位。對于民主黨的當頭一棒讓自由民主黨的政治家們有了拒絕更多合作的本錢。他們還是一如既往的要趕菅直人下臺，并且要促成提前大選。
A semblance of political co-operation may last only until a second round of local elections onApril 24th. It leaves just enough time to pass the first of many proposed disaster-relief bills.Some ??4 trillion will go towards rebuilding, as well as helping tsunamivictims and farmers and fishermen whose businesses have been hurt.
政治合作的假象預計只能持續到4月24日的第二輪地方選舉。這只是為通過一些救災法案預留出充足的時間。大約有4萬億日元用于重建，以及幫助海嘯災民和被海嘯危及生意的農民和漁民。
Later bills will be the source of fresh squabbles. The opposition will urge the DPJ to abandonpledges to introduce a child-support allowance and eliminate toll-road fees. Although the DPJused these campaign pledges in 2009 to help defeat the LDP after a half-century in power,they are only mildly popular now. People know they will push Japan ever deeper into debt.
以后的法案會成為發生新口角的原因。在野黨要求民主黨取消引入兒童撫養津貼和取消公路收費的承諾。雖然民主黨在2009年用這些競選承諾擊敗了執政半個世紀的自由民主黨，但是民主黨現在不再那么受人歡迎了。人們知道他們會把日本背負上更多的債務。
Complicating Mr Kans position is the make-up of his own party. The DPJ is stuffed withbackbenchers loyal to Ichiro Ozawa, an old-timer who resigned from the party leadershipbecause of a fund-raising scandal but who still undermines Mr Kan. The prime minister has tocut his cloth to suit Mr Ozawas gang.
菅直人自己政黨的成員使他的職位很尷尬。民主黨里有很多忠于小澤一郎的后座議員，小澤一郎以前是民主黨的領袖，由于資金籌集丑聞他從民主黨領袖的位置上退了下來，但是他依然在暗地里削弱菅直人的勢力。為了滿足小澤一郎集團的要求，菅直人不得不量力而行。
The LDP is hardly in better shape. Few people believe it would have handled the many-headedcatastrophe any more adroitly. And they know that the LDPs long dominance in some waysprepared the way for the crisis. For instance, weak regulation of the nuclear-power industryallowed old, ill-supervised reactors such as those at the Fukushima plant to remain in service.
自由民主黨也不比民主黨強多少。沒人相信它能熟練解決民眾面對的災難。他們知道自由民主黨在某些方面長期的優勢，使他們有方法應對危機。比方說，對核電工業的監督不力，使老化、缺乏監管的像福島核電站一樣的反應堆繼續使用。
The party is beset by internal conflict. The dinosaurs see little need to revitalise the partysappeal or methods. Indeed, post-tsunami reconstruction, they think, is a way to dole outpublic-works contracts, just as in the old days. Younger members think this is why politiciansand voters who over the years grew disenchanted with the LDP are not returning to the fold.According to a recent poll in the Yomiuri Shimbun newspaper, half of Japans public supportsneither party.
政黨受到內部沖突的困擾。老政治家認為沒必要重塑政黨形象和執政方法。他們理所當然地認為：就像以前一樣，少量發放公共建設工程合同就能完成海嘯后的重建而已。年輕政治家認為，這就是政治家和多年來對自由民主黨不抱指望的選民們不會重新對自由民主黨抱有希望的原因。根據最近的讀賣資訊上的民意測驗，半數日本民眾對兩黨都不支持。
Japan s post-tsunami politics
后海嘯時期日本政治
Flailing
徒勞掙扎
Political co-operation, hard before the earthquakeand tsunami, has got harder
地震和海嘯發生之前就困難重重的政治合作，現在更是愈發艱難
AS JAPAN copes with its worst crisis since thesecond world war, the prime minister, Naoto Kan, iscalling for a new politics. In particular, he wants collaboration with opposition parties mostlybent on ousting him. Many ways of doing things in this country have come to the end of theroad, he said on April 11th. To rebuild this country, we need a new mindset. I hope forandexpecta new direction.
日本正在面對自二戰以來的最大危機，現任首相菅直人正在呼吁出臺新政。特別地，他希望能和決意令他下臺的在野黨合作。4月11日菅直人說：這個國家一些處理事情的方法已經走到了盡頭。為了重建這個國家，我們需要全新的精神狀態。我希望著并盼望著能有新的出路。
He seems unlikely to get it. The quake and tsunami that devastated north-eastern Japan, andthe nuclear disaster that followed, have disrupted the economy, with power shortages andstricken factories. Ordinary Japanese have cut back on inessential spending, in a mood ofsacrificial restraint. Much has changed. Yet one constant remains: petty political bickering.
看來菅直人不太可能看到這一出路了。摧毀日本東北部的地震和海嘯，以及隨之而來的核災難，導致了能源短缺以及工廠受災，從而擾亂了日本經濟。在 自肅精神的影響下，日本普通民眾減少了不必要的開支。許多事情都改變了，但是瑣碎的政治爭吵卻從未間斷過。
As the government has attempted to deal with the mess, the opposition Liberal DemocraticParty has picked on minor gaffes to justify exaggerated displays of outrage. Mr Kansoffer to the LDPs leader, Sadakazu Tanigaki, to form a grand coalition with his DemocraticParty of Japan was rebuffed. The opposition thinks Mr Kan is flailing and his primeministership, which was in trouble well before the earthquake, is in danger.
就在政府試圖收拾亂攤子時，在野黨自由民主黨通過挑毛病來替民眾夸張的憤怒辯護。菅直人向自由民主黨主席谷桓禎一提出：由自由民主黨和他的民主黨一起成立聯合政府，但這個提議被谷桓禎一斷然拒絕。在野黨認為菅直人在徒勞掙扎，他本在地震之前就不牢固的首相職位現在更是岌岌可危。
In opinion polls, Mr Kans personal support has increased slightly since then, but around two-thirds of voters are disappointed with the governments handling of the crisis, particularly atthe Fukushima nuclear plant. On April 12th the nuclear accident there was upgraded to levelseven, the highest rating on an international scale of severity. That places it on a par with theChernobyl disaster 25 years ago this month .
民意測驗顯示：在此之后菅直人的支持率有了短暫上升，但是約有2/3的選民對于政府應對危機的能力表示失望，尤其是在處理福島核電站的問題上。福島的核事故在4月12日升至7級，這是國際范圍內嚴重問題的最高等級。這使福島達到了在25年前這個月發生的切爾諾貝利核災難的高度。
On April 10th the DPJs troubles took their toll inregional and local elections. The party lost all three ofits races for prefectural governorships to the LDP. Itfailed to gain a plurality in any of 41 prefectural andmunicipal assemblies that were up for grabs. Thedrubbing has emboldened LDP politicians to resistmore collaboration. As ever, they aim to oust MrKan and precipitate an early general election.
4月10日，民主黨的問題在統一地方選舉中顯現出來。該黨在全部三個地區的知事選舉中落敗于自由民主黨。民主黨也沒有在41個道府縣議會競選中取得較多席位。對于民主黨的當頭一棒讓自由民主黨的政治家們有了拒絕更多合作的本錢。他們還是一如既往的要趕菅直人下臺，并且要促成提前大選。
A semblance of political co-operation may last only until a second round of local elections onApril 24th. It leaves just enough time to pass the first of many proposed disaster-relief bills.Some ??4 trillion will go towards rebuilding, as well as helping tsunamivictims and farmers and fishermen whose businesses have been hurt.
政治合作的假象預計只能持續到4月24日的第二輪地方選舉。這只是為通過一些救災法案預留出充足的時間。大約有4萬億日元用于重建，以及幫助海嘯災民和被海嘯危及生意的農民和漁民。
Later bills will be the source of fresh squabbles. The opposition will urge the DPJ to abandonpledges to introduce a child-support allowance and eliminate toll-road fees. Although the DPJused these campaign pledges in 2009 to help defeat the LDP after a half-century in power,they are only mildly popular now. People know they will push Japan ever deeper into debt.
以后的法案會成為發生新口角的原因。在野黨要求民主黨取消引入兒童撫養津貼和取消公路收費的承諾。雖然民主黨在2009年用這些競選承諾擊敗了執政半個世紀的自由民主黨，但是民主黨現在不再那么受人歡迎了。人們知道他們會把日本背負上更多的債務。
Complicating Mr Kans position is the make-up of his own party. The DPJ is stuffed withbackbenchers loyal to Ichiro Ozawa, an old-timer who resigned from the party leadershipbecause of a fund-raising scandal but who still undermines Mr Kan. The prime minister has tocut his cloth to suit Mr Ozawas gang.
菅直人自己政黨的成員使他的職位很尷尬。民主黨里有很多忠于小澤一郎的后座議員，小澤一郎以前是民主黨的領袖，由于資金籌集丑聞他從民主黨領袖的位置上退了下來，但是他依然在暗地里削弱菅直人的勢力。為了滿足小澤一郎集團的要求，菅直人不得不量力而行。
The LDP is hardly in better shape. Few people believe it would have handled the many-headedcatastrophe any more adroitly. And they know that the LDPs long dominance in some waysprepared the way for the crisis. For instance, weak regulation of the nuclear-power industryallowed old, ill-supervised reactors such as those at the Fukushima plant to remain in service.
自由民主黨也不比民主黨強多少。沒人相信它能熟練解決民眾面對的災難。他們知道自由民主黨在某些方面長期的優勢，使他們有方法應對危機。比方說，對核電工業的監督不力，使老化、缺乏監管的像福島核電站一樣的反應堆繼續使用。
The party is beset by internal conflict. The dinosaurs see little need to revitalise the partysappeal or methods. Indeed, post-tsunami reconstruction, they think, is a way to dole outpublic-works contracts, just as in the old days. Younger members think this is why politiciansand voters who over the years grew disenchanted with the LDP are not returning to the fold.According to a recent poll in the Yomiuri Shimbun newspaper, half of Japans public supportsneither party.
政黨受到內部沖突的困擾。老政治家認為沒必要重塑政黨形象和執政方法。他們理所當然地認為：就像以前一樣，少量發放公共建設工程合同就能完成海嘯后的重建而已。年輕政治家認為，這就是政治家和多年來對自由民主黨不抱指望的選民們不會重新對自由民主黨抱有希望的原因。根據最近的讀賣資訊上的民意測驗，半數日本民眾對兩黨都不支持。
