2023考研英語閱讀美伊問題
America and Iran;Cloud computing
美伊問題;云計算
A Single Roll of the Dice: Obama s Diplomacy withIran, by Trita Parsi.
《孤注一擲：奧巴馬的對伊政策》;特里塔帕塞著;
With dark rumours swirling of an attack on Iran snuclear programme, this new book by Trita Parsi iswell-timed. The founder of the National IranianAmerican Council in Washington, DC, detailsAmerican diplomacy with the Islamic Republicunder Barack Obama. His analysis of the grim stalemate that has characterised relationsbetween the Great Satan and the mullahs since 1979 is both absorbing and frustrating. It is atale of missed opportunities, obduracy and short-sightedness, all which are pushing the MiddleEast towards greater instability.
特里塔帕塞新作的面世，伴隨著針對伊朗核計劃的漫天謠言，來的正是時候。作者曾創立了位于華盛頓特區的伊朗裔美國人全國理事會，在本書中，他詳細闡述了奧巴馬領導下的美國政府對伊斯蘭共和國的外交路線。自1979年起，大魔頭和毛拉之間的關系一直深陷僵局，作者對這一嚴峻狀態的分析既引人入勝又令人沮喪，書中講述了中東是如何因為錯失良機、頑固執拗、目光短淺等缺點而一步步陷入更大的動蕩之中。
Under George Bush, America s relationship with Iran festered. The two powers collaboratedoccasionally in Afghanistan, but with America driven by the premise that we don t speakto evil, detente was a distant possibility. America saw negotiations not as a tool ofdiplomacy but as a reward to be granted only to those states that had proved they weredeserving of them. Iran, grouped with North Korea and Iraq as part of the axis of evil, wasnot.
在喬治布什領導期間，美伊關系交惡。兩國曾在阿富汗事務上有過數次合作，但隨著美國將不與罪惡結交作為外交前提，兩國和解變得遙遙無期。對美國而言，協商不是一種外交手段，而是一個嘉獎，只有那些能證明自己值得交往的國家才配和美國進行協商。作為和朝鮮、伊拉克為伍的邪惡軸心國，伊朗自然是不夠格的。
The inauguration of a new president who from the start promised the Muslim world respectand who offered the hand of American friendship to those willing to unclench their fist,prompted stirrings of hope, both in Iran and beyond, that this could be a new start.
新任總統在參選之初就鄭重保證，將尊重穆斯林，并把美國的友好傳達給所有愿意松開拳頭的伊朗人。他的就職演講給伊朗乃至整個穆斯林世界帶來了一絲希望，新的開始仿佛就在眼前。
But the bitter mistrust that divides Iran and America, and the domestic considerations ofleaders on both sides, eroded that initial optimism. Time and again in negotiations overIran s nuclear programme, America and its allies assumed Iranian duplicity andinsincerity. For their part, the Iranians saw in America s outstretched hand only thedetermination to snatch from their country its independence, rights and potential.
然而仇視和不信任導致美伊兩國決裂，加之雙方領導人推行了一系列國內政策，這些都撲滅了尚在襁褓的希望之火。隨著一次次對伊朗核計劃的探討，美國及其盟友們將伊朗視作偽善的騙子，而在伊朗看來，美國插手伊朗事務，就是為了剝奪他們的獨立，權利和潛在的能力。
Even during the deepest chill of the cold war, America and Russia found ways of talking.Today a frozen silence stretches from Tehran to Washington. When you don t know what sgoing on, and you don t feel like you have somebody you can communicate with on theother side of the table, you are going to revert back to what s safeand what s safe in theIran context is demonization and just general negativity, explains an American official.
即便是在冷戰最僵持的時期，美蘇兩國也曾設法進行溝通，而今，彌漫在伊朗和美國之間的是冰冷的沉默。當你對現狀毫無頭緒，談判桌上又話不投機，你就會退回到安全的狀態，而在伊朗看來，所謂的安全狀態就是將美國妖魔化，挑起大眾的消極情緒。一位美國官員如是解釋。
Iran s reluctance to engage goes deeper: Tehran cannot come to terms with Washingtonwithout risking an internal identity and legitimacy crisis. Animosity towards America iswritten into the Islamic Republic s DNA. If the relationship is restored, we will dissolveourselves, admits Amir Mohebian, an Iranian conservative.
伊朗的抵觸情緒則日漸深重。伊朗要重回談判桌，就得冒著國家身份缺失和合法性危機的風險。對美國的仇恨銘刻在伊斯蘭共和國的血液里，伊朗保守派人士埃米爾莫比安表示，一旦美伊關系恢復，伊朗將會自我毀滅。
But diplomacy with Iran, maintains Mr Parsi, has never been pursued to the point ofexhaustion. Look at Libya , Vietnam and Northern Ireland, heinsists, and the painstaking years of quiet discussions with each of them. The talks betweenAmerica and Iran, a few weeks here, a fortnight there, have never matched that. Theapproach has focused on the nuclear issue to the exclusion of all others, a take-it-or-leave-it attitude that has always been doomed. Negotiations such as these succeed notbecause the proposals are flawless or because both sides play fair, but because the manyflaws associated with the talks are overcome by the political will to reach a solution.
但帕塞表示，美方與伊朗的外交關系遠沒有走到盡頭。他認為，和利比亞，越南和北愛爾蘭，以及與它們多年痛苦而漫長的討論協商相比，美伊兩國間或進行的短期談判絕對算不了什么。美伊接觸的焦點一直圍繞著核問題展開，回避了其他問題，雙方態度也僵持在要么全盤接受，要么統統滾蛋的狀態。而縱觀那些成功的協商談判，并不是因為提議有多么完美，或是談判雙方有多么公正，而是因為希望解決問題的政治意愿克服了談判中出現的種種缺憾。
That political will, says Mr Parsi, has been absent. The mutual mistrust has left no marginfor error. Neither has seen any domestic political benefit in pushing for a serioussettlement. And now, with the tick-tocking of the nuclear clock growing ever more insistent,reconciliation looks less and less likely. The enmity between America and Iran, stoked bythree decades of demonising each other, is no longer a phenomenon, concludes Mr Parsi. Itis an institution.
帕塞認為，美伊缺少的正是這種政治意愿。雙方互不信任，因而無法容忍對方的任何過失，加之沒有任何國內政治利益能推動美伊沖突得到切實解決。而現在，隨著伊朗核武器的日漸面世，美伊和解的可能越來越小。30多年來，美伊兩國相互攻擊詆毀，兩國間的敵對狀態已經不再是一個現象，引用帕塞的話來說，這已然是個習俗。
America and Iran;Cloud computing
美伊問題;云計算
A Single Roll of the Dice: Obama s Diplomacy withIran, by Trita Parsi.
《孤注一擲：奧巴馬的對伊政策》;特里塔帕塞著;
With dark rumours swirling of an attack on Iran snuclear programme, this new book by Trita Parsi iswell-timed. The founder of the National IranianAmerican Council in Washington, DC, detailsAmerican diplomacy with the Islamic Republicunder Barack Obama. His analysis of the grim stalemate that has characterised relationsbetween the Great Satan and the mullahs since 1979 is both absorbing and frustrating. It is atale of missed opportunities, obduracy and short-sightedness, all which are pushing the MiddleEast towards greater instability.
特里塔帕塞新作的面世，伴隨著針對伊朗核計劃的漫天謠言，來的正是時候。作者曾創立了位于華盛頓特區的伊朗裔美國人全國理事會，在本書中，他詳細闡述了奧巴馬領導下的美國政府對伊斯蘭共和國的外交路線。自1979年起，大魔頭和毛拉之間的關系一直深陷僵局，作者對這一嚴峻狀態的分析既引人入勝又令人沮喪，書中講述了中東是如何因為錯失良機、頑固執拗、目光短淺等缺點而一步步陷入更大的動蕩之中。
Under George Bush, America s relationship with Iran festered. The two powers collaboratedoccasionally in Afghanistan, but with America driven by the premise that we don t speakto evil, detente was a distant possibility. America saw negotiations not as a tool ofdiplomacy but as a reward to be granted only to those states that had proved they weredeserving of them. Iran, grouped with North Korea and Iraq as part of the axis of evil, wasnot.
在喬治布什領導期間，美伊關系交惡。兩國曾在阿富汗事務上有過數次合作，但隨著美國將不與罪惡結交作為外交前提，兩國和解變得遙遙無期。對美國而言，協商不是一種外交手段，而是一個嘉獎，只有那些能證明自己值得交往的國家才配和美國進行協商。作為和朝鮮、伊拉克為伍的邪惡軸心國，伊朗自然是不夠格的。
The inauguration of a new president who from the start promised the Muslim world respectand who offered the hand of American friendship to those willing to unclench their fist,prompted stirrings of hope, both in Iran and beyond, that this could be a new start.
新任總統在參選之初就鄭重保證，將尊重穆斯林，并把美國的友好傳達給所有愿意松開拳頭的伊朗人。他的就職演講給伊朗乃至整個穆斯林世界帶來了一絲希望，新的開始仿佛就在眼前。
But the bitter mistrust that divides Iran and America, and the domestic considerations ofleaders on both sides, eroded that initial optimism. Time and again in negotiations overIran s nuclear programme, America and its allies assumed Iranian duplicity andinsincerity. For their part, the Iranians saw in America s outstretched hand only thedetermination to snatch from their country its independence, rights and potential.
然而仇視和不信任導致美伊兩國決裂，加之雙方領導人推行了一系列國內政策，這些都撲滅了尚在襁褓的希望之火。隨著一次次對伊朗核計劃的探討，美國及其盟友們將伊朗視作偽善的騙子，而在伊朗看來，美國插手伊朗事務，就是為了剝奪他們的獨立，權利和潛在的能力。
Even during the deepest chill of the cold war, America and Russia found ways of talking.Today a frozen silence stretches from Tehran to Washington. When you don t know what sgoing on, and you don t feel like you have somebody you can communicate with on theother side of the table, you are going to revert back to what s safeand what s safe in theIran context is demonization and just general negativity, explains an American official.
即便是在冷戰最僵持的時期，美蘇兩國也曾設法進行溝通，而今，彌漫在伊朗和美國之間的是冰冷的沉默。當你對現狀毫無頭緒，談判桌上又話不投機，你就會退回到安全的狀態，而在伊朗看來，所謂的安全狀態就是將美國妖魔化，挑起大眾的消極情緒。一位美國官員如是解釋。
Iran s reluctance to engage goes deeper: Tehran cannot come to terms with Washingtonwithout risking an internal identity and legitimacy crisis. Animosity towards America iswritten into the Islamic Republic s DNA. If the relationship is restored, we will dissolveourselves, admits Amir Mohebian, an Iranian conservative.
伊朗的抵觸情緒則日漸深重。伊朗要重回談判桌，就得冒著國家身份缺失和合法性危機的風險。對美國的仇恨銘刻在伊斯蘭共和國的血液里，伊朗保守派人士埃米爾莫比安表示，一旦美伊關系恢復，伊朗將會自我毀滅。
But diplomacy with Iran, maintains Mr Parsi, has never been pursued to the point ofexhaustion. Look at Libya , Vietnam and Northern Ireland, heinsists, and the painstaking years of quiet discussions with each of them. The talks betweenAmerica and Iran, a few weeks here, a fortnight there, have never matched that. Theapproach has focused on the nuclear issue to the exclusion of all others, a take-it-or-leave-it attitude that has always been doomed. Negotiations such as these succeed notbecause the proposals are flawless or because both sides play fair, but because the manyflaws associated with the talks are overcome by the political will to reach a solution.
但帕塞表示，美方與伊朗的外交關系遠沒有走到盡頭。他認為，和利比亞，越南和北愛爾蘭，以及與它們多年痛苦而漫長的討論協商相比，美伊兩國間或進行的短期談判絕對算不了什么。美伊接觸的焦點一直圍繞著核問題展開，回避了其他問題，雙方態度也僵持在要么全盤接受，要么統統滾蛋的狀態。而縱觀那些成功的協商談判，并不是因為提議有多么完美，或是談判雙方有多么公正，而是因為希望解決問題的政治意愿克服了談判中出現的種種缺憾。
That political will, says Mr Parsi, has been absent. The mutual mistrust has left no marginfor error. Neither has seen any domestic political benefit in pushing for a serioussettlement. And now, with the tick-tocking of the nuclear clock growing ever more insistent,reconciliation looks less and less likely. The enmity between America and Iran, stoked bythree decades of demonising each other, is no longer a phenomenon, concludes Mr Parsi. Itis an institution.
帕塞認為，美伊缺少的正是這種政治意愿。雙方互不信任，因而無法容忍對方的任何過失，加之沒有任何國內政治利益能推動美伊沖突得到切實解決。而現在，隨著伊朗核武器的日漸面世，美伊和解的可能越來越小。30多年來，美伊兩國相互攻擊詆毀，兩國間的敵對狀態已經不再是一個現象，引用帕塞的話來說，這已然是個習俗。
